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Wednesday, July 18, 2018

Campbell’s Review of Binswanger’s How We Know

Ayn Rand
When I read Harry Binswanger’s How We Know: Epistemology on an Objectivist Foundation about four years ago, I had the feeling that this book adequately captures the general sense of life that we find in Ayn Rand’s fiction and essays. But today I read Robert L. Campbell’s 51-page review of Binswanger’s book. ("What Do We Need to Know?"; The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies; Volume 18, Number 1, July 2018; Page 118 to 169).

In think Campbell has ripped apart some of the fundamental claims of Objectivist epistemology.

Campbell’s focus in the review is not so much on the Objectivist foundation of Binswanger’s book, but on the nature of the epistemological arguments that the book contains. He also talks about the issues in epistemology that Binswanger and other Objectivist scholars are yet to grapple with in their works. I think the fans of Ayn Rand should read Campbell’s review and make up their own mind about the problems that he identifies in Objectivist epistemology.

Here’s an excerpt from the final section of the review:
In the wider world of epistemology, Binswanger’s book will scarcely register. Rand completed ITOE in 1967. Look at just a few things that have been happening since then, in psychology and in related disciplines.  
The Cognitive Revolution hit American psychology in the 1950s (Baars 1986), ending behaviorism as a basic research orientation. Information processing theory and symbolic Artificial Intelligence (e.g., Boden 1988) have grown, hit their peaks, and declined. Hard-core nativists, like Chomsky and Fodor, got their time in the sun. Perceptrons went out; Connectionism and Dynamic Systems and advanced machine learning came in. Perception-action robotics (Brooks 1991) seems here to stay. Noninvasive scanning techniques, functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography, have revolutionized human neuroscience. The legacies of Gibson (who died in 1979) and Piaget (who died in 1980) have been carried on in a variety of ways.  
While all of this has been seething and fermenting and sparking, going up and coming down, the official Objectivists, ARIan and otherwise, have hunkered behind their “philosophical” wall. Gibson’s ideas were able to break through, first with Kelley and now with Binswanger, because of their excellent (though not complete) fit with an Objectivist treatment of perception that needed supplementing. Nothing else has. 
Now, with Binswanger’s bifurcation between consciousness and the neurophysical, psychology, computer science, robotics are no longer merely being disregarded. They have lost their subject matter; they have largely been annihilated. More than a few of Rand’s own ideas won’t be able to survive.  
So, Binswanger’s appreciation of mainstream psychology ends where for nearly everyone else it began—with George Miller (1956). None of the dialogues that could have been productive have taken place; probably, none of them have even been missed. What if, to pick one instance out of a myriad, Harry Binswanger had conducted an exchange with psychologist Larry Barsalou (1983), on ad hoc categories (such as, things I need for my next trip)? Nope, wasn’t going to happen.  
Instead, except when some Gibsonian literature breaches the wall, Binswanger parcels out a little credit to other sworn, vetted ARIans, for ideas that weren’t theirs to begin with or for ways of putting things that scarcely matter. His one serious engagement with contemporary neuroscience has been with the research program of Gary Lynch and his team, on changes in the brain with the formation of long-term memories (McDermott 2010). This is work that deserves a close look, but one can’t help noticing that Lynch’s lab was housed for a number of years at 101 Theory Drive (a real address; it’s part of an office park)—in Irvine, California. What’s the average driving time from the offices of the Ayn Rand Institute?  
Such parochiality is beyond exaggeration, proof against parody.  
What we need to know, if we are to attain a reasonably complete epistemological theory that fits the relevant data and provides norms that we can gainfully apply in our own pursuit of knowledge, far exceeds anything that Harry Binswanger has ever dreamed of.

Tuesday, July 17, 2018

David Hume: “Of Scepticism With Regard to the Senses”

1738 edition of the Treatise
David Hume discusses human knowledge of external world in Book 1 of his A Treatise of Human Nature. He begins by placing an implicit faith in human senses and makes note of the position that we have a direct perceptual access to the world around us. But his philosophical rumination gives rise to the notion that while human beings have a direct access to their perceptions (Lockean ideas), this is not the same as having direct access to the objects themselves.

This problem leads Hume to consider the representational position that there are two objects — first, the perceptions (ideas) to which we have direct access through the senses; and second, the independent objects which give rise to the ideas but are not directly perceived. Being an empiricist, Hume argues that we cannot have knowledge of the causal relationship between the independent objects and our perception of them unless we have a direct sense experience of this relationship. But we can’t perceive or sense objects which by definition we can’t perceive.

In Part 4 of Book 1 of the Treatise, Hume reveals his skeptical positions. Here’s a passage from Section II, Part 4, “Of Scepticism With Regard to the Senses,” in which he professes skepticism regarding our ability to perceive the causal relationship between our ideas and the objects in external world:
I begun this subject with premising, that we ought to have an implicit faith in our senses, and that this wou'd be the conclusion, I shou'd draw from the whole of my reasoning. But to be ingenuous, I feel myself at present of a quite contrary sentiment, and am more inclin'd to repose no faith at all in my senses, or rather imagination, than to place in it such an implicit confidence. I cannot conceive how such trivial qualities of the fancy, conducted by such false sup|positions, can ever lead to any solid and rational system… What then can we look for from this confusion of groundless and extraordinary opinions but error and falshood? And how can we justify to ourselves any belief we repose in them?
In the next passage he includes the operations of reason in his gloomy skeptical outlook:
THIS sceptical doubt, both with respect to reason and the senses, is a malady, which can never be radically cur'd, but must return upon us every moment, however we may chase it away, and sometimes may seem entirely free from it. 'Tis impossible upon any system to defend either our understanding or senses; and we but expose them farther when we endeavour to justify them in that manner. As the sceptical doubt arises naturally from a profound and intense reflection on those subjects, it always encreases, the farther we carry our reflections, whether in opposition or conformity to it. 
The question in my mind is did Hume realize where he was going when he began working on the Treatise? Or did his skepticism develop during the course of writing the Treatise?

Monday, July 16, 2018

Wittgenstein and The Mystical

Ludwig Wittgenstein, 1922
The word “mystical” is there in three propositions in Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus.

In proposition 6.44, he says:
Not how the world is, is the mystical, but that it is. 
In proposition 6.45, he says:
The contemplation of the world sub specie aeterni is its contemplation as a limited whole.
The feeling that the world is a limited whole is the mystical feeling. 
In proposition 6.522, he says:
There is indeed the inexpressible. This shows itself; it is the mystical. 
Elizabeth Anscombe, in her book An Introduction to Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, (Chapter 13: "Mysticism and Solipsism”), suggests that Wittgenstein, being an extraordinary individual, could have some kind of mysticism about him. She says that to understand the sense in which he is using the term “mystical,” we have to look at the proposition 6.52 in Tractatus: “We feel that even if all possible scientific questions have been answered, still the problems of life have not been touched at all. Of course there then just is no question left, and just this is the answer.”

She drops a hint about the influence of Leo Tolstoy on Wittgenstein and says that the idea behind “mystical” is made clearer in proposition 6.41: “The meaning of the world must lie outside the world. In the world everything is as it is, everything happens as it does happen; there is no value in it if there were any, it would have no value. If there is a value that has value, it must lie outside all happening and outside being this way or that. For all happening and being this way or that is accidental. What makes it non-accidental cannot be found in the world, for otherwise this thing would in its turn be accidental.”  She also takes note of proposition 6.42, in which Wittgenstein says: “God does not reveal himself in the world.”

Bertrand Russell offers a much clearer view of Wittgenstein’s religious and spiritual mindset. In a 1919 letter to Lady Ottoline Morell, Russell says that he discussed Tractatus with Wittgenstein during their meeting in Holland, and he was surprised by Wittgenstein’s spirituality. Here’s an excerpt from Russell’s letter:
I feel sure [Tractatus] is really a great book, though I do not feel sure it is right… . I had felt in his book a flavour of mysticism, but was astonished when I found that he has become a complete mystic. He reads people like Kierkegaard and Angelus Silesius, and he seriously contemplates becoming a monk. It all started from William James's Varieties of Religious Experience, and grew (not unnaturally) during the winter he spent alone in Norway before the war, when he was nearly mad. Then during the war a curious thing happened. He went on duty to the town of Tarnov in Galicia, and happened to come upon a bookshop, which, however, seemed to contain nothing but picture postcards. However, he went inside and found that it contained just one book: Tolstoy on the Gospels. He brought it merely because there was no other. He read it and re-read it, and thenceforth had it always with him, under fire and at all times. But on the whole he likes Tolstoy less than Dostoyevsky (especially Karamazov). He has penetrated deep into mystical ways of thought and feeling, but I think (though he wouldn't agree) that what he likes best in mysticism is its power to make him stop thinking. I don't much think he will really become a monk -- it is an idea, not an intention. His intention is to be a teacher. He gave all his money to his brothers and sisters, because he found earthly possessions a burden. I wish you had seen him. ~ (Letters to Russell, Keynes, and Moore, edited by G.H. von Wright)

Sunday, July 15, 2018

The Four Contrasting Voices of David Hume

Hume's engraving in first volume of
The History of England, 1754
David Hume begins his A Treatise of Human Nature with a swagger—asserting that he is in pursuit of science of man.

In his Introduction to the Treatise, he says, “Here then is the only expedient, from which we can hope for success in our philosophical researches, to leave the tedious lingering method, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of taking now and then a castle or village on the frontier, to march up directly to the capital or center of these sciences, to human nature itself; which being once masters of, we may everywhere else hope for an easy victory. From this station we may extend our conquests over all those sciences, which more intimately concern human life, and may afterwards proceed at leisure to discover more fully those, which are the objects of pure curiosity. There is no question of importance, whose decision is not comprised in the science of man; and there is none, which can be decided with any certainty, before we become acquainted with that science. In pretending therefore to explain the principles of human nature, we in effect propose a complete system of the sciences, built on a foundation almost entirely new, and the only one upon which they can stand with any security.”

Despite the confident beginning, Hume turns into a skeptic towards the closing section of the book 1 of the Treatise and he offers skeptical lamentations: “Where am I, or what? From what causes do I derive my existence, and to what condition shall I return? Whose favor shall I court, and whose anger must I dread?”

But the man in pursuit of the science of man and the man of skepticism are not the only two voices of Hume. Robert J. Fogelin identifies four contrasting voices of Hume in his book Hume’s Skeptical Crisis: A Textual Study.  Here’s an excerpt from Fogelin's Introduction:
There are four contrasting Humes, or at least four contrasting voices of Hume, inhabiting Hume’s writing. The first is the confident Hume, projector of a complete science of human nature. The second is the melancholy Hume, wracked with Pyrrohonian doubts he seems incapable of shaking. Third, we have the chastened Hume, modest in his expectations and reasonably content with his lot. There is also a fourth voice or standing point found in Hume’s writings, important but easily overlooked. This is the standpoint of the ordinary people engaged in the affairs of daily life: the standpoint of the vulgar. 
But which perspective represents the real Hume? Fogelin observes that:  
all four standpoints are real in representing the way matters strike Hume when operating at a particular level of reflection. At the start of the Treatise, and well into it, Hume is an enthusiast for the new science of human nature he is developing. Hume’s standpoint undergoes a radical skeptical transformation in response to the appalling things his pursuit of the science of human nature reveals to him. This is full-throated skepticism. The third standpoint emerges from Hume’s recognition that radical skepticism cannot be disposed of by employing arguments against it. When matters are placed on an argumentative basis, the Pyrrhonist always wins. For Hume, the slide into radical skepticism can only be countered by yielding in some measure to our vulgar propensity to believe things that are not based on sound arguments and, more deeply, even things that run counter to sound arguments.

Saturday, July 14, 2018

Anscombe’s Explanation for Wittgenstein’s Solipsism

Wittgenstein ; Anscombe
A person is a solipsist if he thinks that he is the only I, and the world, with everything and everyone in it, is an object of experience, and therefore his own experience. In Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, Ludwig Wittgenstein offers a glimpse of his solipsism in propositions 5.6 to 5.63. In proposition 5.62, he says:
This remark provides a key to the question, to what extent solipsism is a truth.  
In fact what solipsism means, is quite correct, only it cannot be said, but it shows itself. 
That the world is my world, shows itself in the fact that the lists of the language (the language which only I understand) mean the limits of my world. 
Elizabeth Anscombe, in her book An Introduction to Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, relates Wittgenstein’s solipsism to his view of logic. Here’s an excerpt from Chapter 13, "Mysticism and Solipsism” :
In the Tractatus Wittgenstein speaks of 'my language’ (5.6) and explains this as meaning 'the only language that I understand' (5.62). Its limits 'stand for the limits of my world’. I cannot postulate a language for talking about the relation of language, the world, and the philosophical I, in which my world (the world given by the limits of my language) would be one particular thing to talk about. I can only say how things are in the world corresponding to my language. But this manifests 'the 'all-comprehending world-mirroring logic’. 

That is why, having said at 5.6 'The limits of my language mean the limits of my world’, Wittgenstein gives as the first comment on this pronouncement a number of remarks on logic: 'Logic fills the world: the limits of the world are also its limits' (5.61). The argument is: 'The limits of my language mean the limits of my world; but all languages have one and the same logic, and its limits are those of the world; therefore the limits of my world and of the world are one and the same; therefore the world is my world.'  
But the ‘I’ of this way of talking is not something that can be found as a mind or soul, a subject of consciousness, one among others; there is no such thing to be 'found' as the subject of consciousness in this sense. All that can be found is what consciousness is of, the contents of consciousness: 'I am my world' and The world and life are one'. Hence this T, whose language has the special position, is unique; the world described by this language is just the real world: Thoroughly thought out, solipsism coincides with pure realism' (5.64).  
It is not possible to understand this passage unless one has a good deal of sympathy with solipsism. We should remember that Wittgenstein had been much impressed by Schopenhauer as a boy; many traces of this sympathy are to be found in the Tractatus. Probably no one who reads the opening of The World as Will and Idea: "The world is my idea', without any responsiveness, will be able to enter into Wittgenstein's thought here. 
Anscombe says that it is difficult to get rid of one’s conception of solipsism once one has developed it. One may want to get rid of such a conception because one may feel that it makes the ‘I’ too godlike, but it is not easy to free oneself from solipsist thoughts. She notes that in Wittgenstein’s version, “It is clear that the ‘I’ of solipsism is not used to refer to anything, body or soul; for in respect of these it is plain that all men are alike. The ‘I’ refers to the centre of life, or the point from which everything is seen.”

Friday, July 13, 2018

Karl Popper and Ludwig Wittgenstein

Karl Popper ; Ludwig Wittgenstein 
Karl Popper had an argumentative relationship with Ludwig Wittgenstein. He found little merit in the doctrine which Wittgenstein advances in Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus that genuine philosophical propositions do not exist and therefore they cannot be solved.

In Conjectures and Refutations, Popper says:  “If Wittgenstein's doctrine is true, then nobody can philosophize, in my sense. Were this my opinion I would give up philosophy. But it so happens that I am not only deeply interested in certain philosophical problems (I do not much care whether they are 'rightly' called 'philosophical problems'), but possessed by the hope that I may contribute—if only a little, and only by hard work—to their solution.”

However, Popper holds that Wittgenstein's idea of eradicating philosophy (and theology) with the help of an adaptation of Bertrand Russell's theory of types was ingenious and original. He says that the school of linguistic analysis is inspired by Wittgenstein’s idea that there are no genuine philosophical problems, and that the philosophers task is to analyze and explain the linguistic puzzles that have been proposed by traditional philosophy.

In October 1946, Popper gave a lecture at Cambridge. Wittgenstein was present along with Russell and others, when Popper posed the question: “Are There Philosophical Problems?” Perhaps Popper’s tone was too provocative, because Wittgenstein was incensed. A vehement exchange ensued between them. According to Popper's own account, Wittgenstein had in his hand a red hot poker, which he brandished like a conductor’s baton to emphasize his points. Russell told him to put down the poker immediately. Wittgenstein complied and marched out of the room, slamming the door behind him.

Popper has a lot to say about Wittgenstein's Tractatus. Here’s one passage from Conjectures and Refutations:
Wittgenstein, as you all know, tried to show in the Tractatus that all so-called philosophical or metaphysical propositions were actually non-propositions or pseudo-propositions: that they were senseless or meaningless. All genuine (or meaningful) propositions were truth functions of the elementary or atomic propositions which described 'atomic facts', i.e.--facts which can in principle be ascertained by observation. In other words, meaningful propositions were fully reducible to elementary or atomic propositions which were simple statements describing possible states of affairs, and which could in principle be established or rejected by observation. If we call a statement an 'observation statement' not only if it states an actual observation but also if it states anything that may be observed, we shall have to say that every genuine proposition must be a truth-function of, and therefore deducible from, observation statements. All other apparent propositions will be meaningless pseudo-propositions; in fact they will be nothing but nonsensical gibberish. 
It is noteworthy that in this passage, Popper talks a great deal about “observation,” but he does not mention the “picture theory of language,” which is the most crucial element of the Tractatus

Thursday, July 12, 2018

Russell’s Introduction to Wittgenstein's Tractatus

Ludwig Wittgenstein, 1922
Bertrand Russell’s Introduction to Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus is quite informative. Through his analysis of the Tractatus, Russell creates the impression that Wittgenstein is a skeptic, nominalist, and in some of his contentions he can be seen as a solipsist. But Russell regards such philosophical positions as the great virtues of Wittgenstein. He says that no serious philosopher can afford to neglect the Tractatus.

This excerpt from Russell’s Introduction sheds light on Wittgenstein’s nominalism and skepticism:
Mr. Wittgenstein maintains that everything properly philosophical belongs to what can only be shown, or to what is in common between a fact and its logical picture. It results from this view that nothing correct can be said in philosophy. Every philosophical proposition is bad grammar, and the best that we can hope to achieve by philosophical discussion is to lead people to see that philosophical discussion is a mistake. “Philosophy is not one of the natural sciences. (The word ‘philosophy’ must mean something which stands above or below, but not beside the natural sciences.) The object of philosophy is the logical clarification of thoughts. Philosophy is not a theory but an activity. A philosophical work consists essentially of elucidations. The result of philosophy is not a number of ‘philosophical propositions’, but to make propositions clear. Philosophy should make clear and delimit sharply the thoughts which otherwise are, as it were, opaque and blurred” (4.111 and 4.112). 
Russell points out that Wittgenstein’s theory condemns as meaningless all the things that have to be said to make the reader understand his theory. He also says that Wittgenstein’s fundamental thesis is that it is impossible to say anything about the world as a whole, and that whatever can be said has to be about bounded portions of the world.

On the curious discussion of solipsism in the Tractatus, Russell notes: “Logic, [Wittgenstein] says, fills the world. The boundaries of the world are also its boundaries. In logic, therefore, we cannot say, there is this and this in the world, but not that, for to say so would apparently presuppose that we exclude certain possibilities, and this cannot be the case, since it would require that logic should go beyond the boundaries of the world as if it could contemplate these boundaries from the other side also. What we cannot think we cannot think, therefore we also cannot say what we cannot think.”

Wittgenstein holds that the intentions behind solipsism are correct, but this cannot be said, it can only be shown. Russell says that, according to Wittgenstein, “That the world is my world appears in the fact that the boundaries of language (the only language I understand) indicate the boundaries of my world. The metaphysical subject does not belong to the world but is a boundary of the world.”

Wednesday, July 11, 2018

The Lockean Campaign Against Kant

Christian Garve
The German Empiricists who were loyal to the tradition of John Locke were alarmed by the appearance of Immanuel Kant’s The Critique of Pure Reason in 1781. They saw the Critique as an attack on Lockean empiricism. Among the leading members of the empiricist camp were J. G. Feder, C. Garve, J. F. Lossius, C. Meiners, F. Nicolai, H. A. Pistorius, C. G. Selle, D. Tiedemann, G. Tittel, and A. Weishaupt. They were the first German scholars to recognize the importance of Kant’s Critique and the challenge that it posed.

During the Pantheism controversy, they supported Kant and they believed that his intentions were noble, but they remained opposed to his critical philosophy. They recognized that Kant was trying to develop a synthesis between empiricism and rationalism, but they felt that he was biased towards rationalism. They held that his critical philosophy was dangerous because while intending to defend the authority of reason, it undermines it. During the 1780s and 1790s, they leveled against Kant the charge of Humean solipsism or nihilism. They accused him of being a dangerous skeptic and a dogmatic metaphysician.

The Lockean campaign against the Critique began with Christian Garve’s January 1782 review, which elicited from Kant an angry response in the form of the Prolegomena. In 1784 there was a review by Dietrich Tiedemann and an essay by C. G. Selle. In the same year, there was also a review of the Prolegomena by H. A. Pistorius. But by 1786, the Critique had become immensely popular and that caused even more nervousness in the Lockean circles, inspiring them to launch a new offensive. Kant was attacked in several reviews, essays and books.

Frederick C. Beiser, in his 1987 book The Fate of Reason: German Philosophy from Kant to Fichte offers an account of the Lockean campaign against Kant in chapter 6, “The Attack of the Lockeans.” Beiser says that as many authors were involved in the long drawn campaign, it is difficult to summarize the general arguments that the Lockeans used against Kant. But he offers seven themes that are characteristic of the Lockean campaign (and he also makes some points about the campaign against Kant by the Wolffians, the rationalist followers of Christian Wolff):
(1) One of the central issues between Kant and his empiricist opponents concerned the possibility of a priori knowledge. Every Lockean maintained that all synthetic knowledge is a posteriori, derived from and justified through experience. Some of them, however, were daring enough to argue that even analytic knowledge is a posteriori. 
(2) Another basic conflict centered on the proper method of epistemology. The Lockeans advocated a purely naturalistic epistemology, that is, one which explains the origins and conditions of knowledge according to natural laws alone. Such an epistemology was obviously modeled upon the natural sciences; its prototype was "the plain historical method" of Locke's Essay or "the principles of observation and experiment" of Hume's Treatise. The Lockeans therefore rejected Kant's a priori method. They saw it as metaphysical and condemned it for forfeiting the ideal of a scientific epistemology.  
(3) Yet another controversy surrounded the legitimacy of Kant's sharp dualism between reason and the senses, his radical dichotomy between the homo noumenon and homo phenomenon. The Lockeans regarded this distinction as arbitrary and artificial, as the reification of a purely intellectual distinction. Reason and sensibility were, in their view, inseparably united, different not in kind but only in degree. Of course, the Wolffians also attacked Kant's dualism; but there was still an important difference between the Lockeans and Wolffians on this score. While the Woffians saw sensibility as a confused form of the understanding, the Lockeans regarded the understanding as a derivative form of sensibility.

The Lockeans most often objected to Kant's dualism on the ground that it is antinaturalistic. It postulates a mysterious Platonic realm, the world of noumena, which is inexplicable according to natural laws. Kant's noumenal world makes the origin of our ideas and intentions obscure to us; and it renders the interchange between reason and sensibility unintelligible. Hence the Lockeans frequently accused Kant of 'mysticism', 'obscurantism', or ‘superstition'. 
(4) The most notorious and controversial issue between Kant and the Lockeans concerned whether there is any essential difference between Kant's and Berkeley's idealism. Feder was the first to deny such a difference; and all the Lockeans, and most of the Wolffians, seconded him. The charge of Berkeleyan idealism was tantamount to the charge of solipsism, which was generally regarded as the reductio ad absurdum of the critical philosophy.

(5) The Lockeans were sharp critics of the "Aesthetik," and in particular Kant's theory that space and time are a priori. They argued that space and time are not a priori intuitions, but a posteriori concepts, which are abstracted from particular distances and intervals. Almost all of their early examinations of the Kritik focused upon the "Aesthetik," because it was seen as the test case for Kant's idealism and theory of the synthetic a priori. On the whole the Lockeans, like the Wolffians, ignored the "Analytik," passing it over in silence. 
(6) The Lockeans criticized the way Kant classified concepts of the understanding as completely arbitrary and artificial. The Wolffians too made such objections to Kant. But the Lockeans, unlike the Wolffians, regarded any such classification as in principle mistaken. Maintaining that all concepts are abstractions from experience, they denied that there could ever be any complete list of all the possible concepts of the understanding.

(7) The Lockeans were the first to argue that the categorical imperative is empty, and that duty for duty's sake is in conflict with human nature. Against Kant, they defended eudaemonism as the only moral philosophy that can provide a sufficient criterion of morality and be in harmony with human needs.

Tuesday, July 10, 2018

Heidegger on The Kantian Interpretations of Being and Time

Martin Heidegger, in Being and Time (Chapter 2: “The Double Task in Working Out the Question of Being: The Method of the Investigation and its Outline”), suggests that Immanuel Kant’s view of the connection between being and time is influenced by the works of Descartes and Aristotle.

In his analysis, he asks two questions: “To what extent in the course of the history of ontology in general the interpretation of being has been thematically connected with the phenomenon of time? We must also ask whether the problematic of temporality, which necessarily belongs here, was fundamentally worked out or could have been?” His answer is that Kant is the first and only one “who traversed a stretch of the path toward investigating the dimension of temporality—or allowed himself to be driven there by the compelling force of phenomena themselves.”

According to Heidegger, the problem of temporality has to be pinned down in order to bring clarity to the Kantian doctrine of schematism. He points out that in his The Critique of Pure Reason, Kant indicates that he is entering into an obscure area when he writes, “This schematism of our under-standing as regards appearances and their mere form is an art hidden in the depths of the human soul, the true devices of which are hardly ever to be divined from Nature and laid uncovered before our eyes.”

One of the aims of Being and Time, is to develop a fuller interpretation of Kant’s chapter on Schematism (in The Critique of Pure Reason) and the Kantian doctrine of time which has been developed there. Heidegger posits that there are two reasons which prevented Kant from gaining an insight into the problem of temporality: “first, the neglect of the question of being in general, and second, in conjunction with this, the lack of a thematic ontology of Dasein or, in Kantian terms, the lack of a preliminary ontological analytic of the subjectivity of the subject.”

Heidegger notes that Kant nullified much of his initial advances by dogmatically adopting Descartes’s position and neglecting something essential: an ontology of Dasein. Also, while Kant takes this phenomena back into the subject, his analysis of time, according to Heidegger, remains oriented towards the “traditional, vulgar understanding of it.” Because of these reasons, Kant was unable to divine the phenomena of a “transcendental determination of time.” Heidegger’s offers a short account of the errors in Descartes’s thesis which got adopted by Kant.

While speaking of Greek ontology, Heidegger says that Dasien, which, in essence, is a being of human being, is held as “that creature whose being is essentially determined by its ability to speak.” This has led to the development of structures for speech and discussion. Heidegger notes that Plato’s ancient ontology is “dialectic.” But the Greeks felt the need of having a more comprehensive conception of being and Aristotle transcended Plato’s vision and saw a being as something that is a presence. Heidegger says that there are problems in this vision of being but he does not provide the details.

The first comprehensive interpretation of the phenomena of time, according to Heidegger, comes to us through the works of Aristotle. “The Aristotelian treatise on time has determined all the subsequent interpretations of time, including that of Bergson.” He says that an analysis of the Aristotelian concept of time shows that the Kantian interpretation of time is inspired by Aristotle’s ideas. He notes that despite all the differences that are implicit in the new inquiry, Kant’s basic ontological orientation is Greek.

Monday, July 9, 2018

Schopenhauer On University Philosophy

Commemorative stamp on Schopenhauer
Arthur Schopenhauer talks about university philosophy in his book The World as Will and Representation, Volume Two, Chapter 17, “On Man's Need for Metaphysics.” Here’s an excerpt:

"As for university philosophy, it is as a rule mere juggling and humbug. The real purpose of such philosophy is to give the students in the very depths of their thinking that mental tendency which the ministry that appoints people to professorships regards as in keeping with its views and intentions. From the statesman's point of view, the ministry may even be right, only it follows from this that such philosophy of the chair is a nervis alienis mobile lignum*, and cannot pass for serious philosophy, but only for philosophy that is a joke. Moreover, it is in any case reasonable that such a supervision or guidance should extend only to chair-philosophy, not to the real philosophy that is in earnest. For if anything in the world is desirable, so desirable that even the dull and uneducated herd in its more reflective moments would value it more than silver and gold, it is that a ray of light should fall on the obscurity of our existence, and that we should obtain some information about this enigmatical life of ours, in which nothing is clear except its misery and vanity. But supposing even that this were in itself attainable, it is made impossible by imposed and enforced solutions of the problem.”

*"A wooden puppet moved by extraneous forces." [Tr.] 

Sunday, July 8, 2018

The Prince and The Magician

In John Fowles’s novel The Magus, Nicholas Urfe, the protagonist, after being abandoned by Maurice Conchis and his team of actors, is in Conchis’s vacant house looking for information on what is going on. On a bookshelf he finds a few sheets of paper on which someone has scribbled secret instructions, unfinished poetry, and an intriguing three-page fairytale, which is told without any commentary from Fowles or the novel’s characters. I think the moral of the fairytale is that you can appreciate life only after you have gazed into the void which lies at the end of life.

The Prince and The Magician

Once upon a time there was a young prince, who believed in all things but three. He did not believe in princesses, he did not believe in islands, he did not believe in God. His father, the king, told him that such things did not exist. As there were no princesses or islands in his father's domains, and no sign of God, the young prince believed his father.

But then, one day, the prince ran away from his palace. He came to the next land. There, to his astonishment, from every coast he saw islands, and on these islands, strange and troubling creatures whom he dared not name. As he was searching for a boat, a man in full evening dress approached him along the shore.

"Are those real islands?" asked the young prince.

"Of course they are real islands," said the man in evening dress.

"And those strange and troubling creatures?”

"They are all genuine and authentic princesses.”

"Then God also must exist!" cried the prince.

"I am God," replied the man in full evening dress, with a bow.

The young prince returned home as quickly as he could.

"So you are back," said his father, the king.

"I have seen islands, I have seen princesses, I have seen God," said the prince reproachfully.

The king was unmoved.

"Neither real islands, nor neat princesses, nor a real God, exist." "I saw them!”

"Tell me how God was dressed.”

"God was in full evening dress.”

"Were the sleeves of his coat rolled back?”

The prince remembered that they had been. The king smiled.

"That is the uniform of a magician. You have been deceived.”

At this, the prince returned to the next land, and went to the same shore, where once again he came upon the man in full evening dress.

"My father the king has told me who you are," said the young prince indignantly. "You deceived me last time, but not again. Now I know that those are not real islands and real princesses, because you are a magician.”

The man on the shore smiled.

"It is you who are deceived, my boy. In your father's kingdom there are many islands and many princesses. But you are under your father's spell, so you cannot see them.”

The prince returned pensively home. When he saw his father, he looked him in the eyes.

"Father, is it true that you are not a real king, but only a magician?" The king smiled, and rolled back his sleeves.

"Yes, my son, I am only a magician.”

"Then the man on the shore was God.”

"The man on the shore was another magician.”

"I must know the real truth, the truth beyond magic." "There is no truth beyond magic," said the king.

The prince was full of sadness.

He said, "I will kill myself.”

The king by magic caused death to appear. Death stood in the door and beckoned to the prince. The prince shuddered. He remembered the beautiful but unreal islands and the unreal but beautiful princesses.

"Very well," he said. "I can bear it.”

"You see, my son," said the king, "you too now begin to be a magician." 

Saturday, July 7, 2018

My Personal Philosophy

My personal philosophy doesn’t have a name. I am not a follower of any philosopher or philosophical movement. I am an eclectic, free to explore any resource for good ideas.

Friday, July 6, 2018

A Schopenhauerian Dialogue Between The Subject and The Matter

Matter and intellect, according to Arthur Schopenhauer, are inseparable correlatives. They exist only for each other and therefore only relatively.

In his essay, “On the Fundamental View of Idealism,” (Chapter 1; The World as Will and Representation, Volume II), he writes: “Matter is the representation of the intellect; the intellect is that in the representation of which alone matter exists. Both together constitute the world as representation, which is precisely Kant's phenomenon, and consequently something secondary. What is primary is that which appears, namely the thing-in-itself, which we… recognize as the will. In itself this is neither the representer nor the represented, but is quite different from its mode of appearance.”

To explain his conception of intellect and matter, and to bring to light the fundamental mistake in most other systems, Schopenhauer offers a dialogue in which The Subject and The Matter argue with each other about what came first in the world. Here’s the complete dialogue:
The Subject I am, and besides me there is nothing. For the world is my representation. 
Matter
Presumptuous folly! I am, and besides me there is nothing: For the world is my fleeting form. You are a mere result of a part of this form, and quite accidental.  
The Subject What silly conceit! Neither you nor your form would exist without me; you are conditioned through me. Whoever thinks me away, and then believes he can still think of you, is involved in a gross delusion; for your existence outside my representation is a direct contradiction, a wooden-iron. You are, simply means you are represented by me. My representation is the locality of your existence; I am therefore its first condition.  
Matter
Fortunately the boldness of your assertion will soon be refuted in a real way, and not by mere words. A few more moments, and you—actually are no more; with all your boasting and bragging, you have sunk into nothing, floated past like a shadow, and suffered the fate of every one of my fleeting forms. But I, I remain intact and undiminished from millennium to millennium, throughout endless time, and behold unmoved the play of my changing forms.  
The Subject 
This endless time, to live through which is your boast, is, like the endless space you fill, present merely in my representation; in fact, it is the mere form of my representation which I carry already prepared within me, and in which you manifest yourself. It receives you, and in this way do you first of all exist. But the annihilation with which you threaten me does not touch me, otherwise you also would be annihilated. On the contrary, it concerns merely the individual which for a short time is my bearer, and which, like everything else, is my representation.  
Matter
Even if I grant you this, and go so far as to regard your existence, which is inseparably linked to that of these fleeting individuals, as something existing by itself, it nevertheless remains dependent on mine. For you are subject only in so far as you have an object; and that object is I. I am its kernel and content, that which is permanent in it, that which holds it together, without which it would be as incoherent and as wavering and unsubstantial as the dreams and fancies of your individuals, that have borrowed even their fictitious content from me.  
The Subject
You do well to refrain from disputing my existence on account of its being linked to individuals; for just as inseparably as I am tied to these, so are you tied to form, your sister, and you have never yet appeared without her. No eye has yet seen either you or me naked and isolated; for we are both only abstractions. At bottom it is one entity that perceives itself and is perceived by itself, but its being-in-itself cannot consist either in perceiving or in being perceived, as these are divided between us.  
Both
So we are inseparably connected as necessary parts of one whole, which includes us both and exists through us both. Only a misunderstanding can set up the two of us as enemies in opposition to each other, and lead to the false conclusion that the one contests the existence of the other, with which its own existence stands and falls.  
***  
This whole, including both, is the world as representation, or the phenomenon. After this is taken away, there remains only the purely metaphysical, the thing-in-itself, which in the second book we shall recognize as the will.

Thursday, July 5, 2018

Greek Idealism and Hegel’s Universal Philosophy

G.W.F. Hegel has claimed that he is offering the one universal philosophy which has passed on from age to age. But what is this one universal philosophy?

W. T. Stace, in his essay, “Greek Idealism and Hegel,” (Chapter 1; The Philosophy of Hegel: A Systematic Exposition), says that the universal philosophy “is not simply the philosophy of Plato, nor yet simply the philosophy of Aristotle. The systems of these men are but special presentations of the one universal philosophy, special forms which it assumed in their hands, in the particular age and circumstances in which they lived. It is to be found in them as the inner essence of their thought. It is what they held in common, to which each added special points of view of his own. This underlying substance will be the substance of Hegel also.”

Stace begins his discussion of Greek idealism with a survey of the philosophy of Eleatics and the likes of Protagoras who have made contributions to the universal philosophy. But much of his essay is devoted to Plato and Aristotle. From his discussion of Greek idealism, Stace develops the following list of the essentials of this universal philosophy:
I. The real is what has a wholly independent being, a being dependent only on itself.  
II. Appearance is what depends for its being upon another being. This other being is the real.  
III. Existence is what can be immediately presented to consciousness. It may be either a material or a psychic entity.  
IV. The real is the universal.
 
V. The real is not an existence. Its being is logical being.  
VI. Existence is appearance.
 
VII. The real, that is, the universal, is also thought, mind, or intelligence ; but this thought, mind, or intelligence is not an existent, individual, subjective mind, but an abstract, universal, objective mind. It has a logical and not a factual being.  
VIII. The real, that is, objective thought, is the first principle or ultimate being, the Absolute, which is the source of all things, and from which the universe must be explained.  
IX. This first principle is first only in the sense that it holds logical priority over all things. It is not first in order of time. 
Stace appears convinced that the philosophy of Hegel can be seen as the accumulated wisdom of mankind. In the final paragraph of his essay, he says:
The philosophy of Hegel, it will be seen, is not something simply invented out of nothing by himself and flung at random into an astonished world. It is no crazy fancy of an individual's brain, no gimcrack novelty. It is not the pet theory of some erratic genius, nor is it merely one theory among many rivals. The true author of it is, not so much Hegel, as the toiling and thinking human spirit, the universal spirit of humanity getting itself uttered through this individual. It is the work of the ages. It has its roots deep in the past. 
Along with Greek idealism, Hegel was also heavily influenced by the critical philosophy of Immanuel Kant. It is clear that the fundamental principles of Hegel are closely linked to the fundamental principles of the Greeks and Kant.

Wednesday, July 4, 2018

Schopenhauer On The Senses

Arthur Schopenhauer, in his essay, “On the Senses,” (Chapter 3; The World as Will and Representation, Volume II), says that the outer sense, or the receptivity for external impressions as pure data for the understanding, is divided into five senses, which conform to the four elements, or to the four conditions or states of aggregation, together with that of imponderability.
Thus the sense for the firm (earth) is touch, for the fluid (water) is taste, for the vaporous, i.e., the volatile (vapour, exhalation) is smell, for the permanently elastic (air) is hearing, for the imponderable (fire, light) is sight. The second imponderable, namely heat, is really an object not of the senses, but of general feeling; hence it always affects the will directly as pleasant or unpleasant.
He goes on to define the dignity of the senses, arguing that sight is the most refined sense, followed by hearing:
Sight has the highest rank, inasmuch as its sphere is the most far-reaching, and its receptivity and susceptibility the keenest. This is due to the fact that what stimulates it is an imponderable, in other words, something hardly corporeal, something quasi-spiritual. Hearing has the second place, corresponding to air. Touch, however, is a thorough, versatile, and well-informed sense. For whereas each of the other senses gives us only an entirely one-sided account of the object, such as its sound or its relation to light, touch, which is closely bound up with general feeling and muscular power, supplies the understanding with data regarding simultaneously the form, size, hardness, smoothness, texture, firmness, temperature, and weight of bodies; and it does all this with the least possibility of illusion and deception, to which all the other senses are far more liable. The two lowest senses, smell and taste, are not free from a direct stimulation of the will; thus they are always agreeably or disagreeably affected, and so are more subjective than objective.
He suggests that there exists some kind of an antagonism between sound and sight.  Here’s how he compares the two senses:
Perceptions through hearing are exclusively in time; hence the whole nature of music consists in the measure of time, and on this depends not only the quality or pitch of tones by means of vibrations, but also their quantity or duration by means of the beat or time. The perceptions of sight, on the other hand, are primarily and predominantly in space; but secondarily, through their duration, they are in time also.  
Sight is the sense of the understanding that perceives; hearing is the sense of the faculty of reason that thinks and comprehends. Visible signs only imperfectly take the place of words; therefore I doubt whether a deaf and dumb person, able to read but with no conception of the sound of the words, operates as readily in his thinking with the merely visible concept-signs as we do with the actual, i.e., audible words. If he cannot read, he is, as is well known, almost like an irrational animal; whereas the man born blind is from the beginning an entirely rational being. 
He speculates that sound can be disturbing for the mind, whereas sight isn’t:
Sight is an active, hearing a passive sense. Therefore, sounds affect our mind in a disturbing and hostile manner, the more so indeed, the more active and developed the mind They can destroy all ideas, and instantly shatter the power of thought. On the other hand there is no analogous disturbance through the eye, no immediate effect of what is seen as such on the activity of thinking (for naturally it is not a question here of the influence of the perceived objects on the will), but the most varied multiplicity of things before our eyes admits of entirely unhindered and undisturbed thinking Accordingly, the thinking mind lives in eternal peace with the eye, and at eternal war with the ear.
According to Schopenhauer, the biographies of Kant, Goethe, and Jean-Paul testify that they were extremely sensitive to sound. "In the last years of his life Goethe bought a dilapidated house close to his own, merely in order that he might not have to endure the noise made in repair- ing it."

Tuesday, July 3, 2018

Hegel’s Rabble and Marx’s Proletariat

In his account of civil society, G.W.F. Hegel argues that modern society tends to create an impoverished class, whose existence is against the fundamental principles on which the society is founded, but whose condition cannot he improved through the existing economic and social institutions. Hegel believes that this class of poor is a threat to modern society. He calls them the “rabble.” In his Lectures on the Philosophy of Right, Hegel says:

"The rabble is a dangerous ill, because they have neither rights nor duties"

Karl Marx agrees with Hegel that modern society gives rise to a class of poor, but there is a striking difference in their view of the political significance of this poor class. Hegel sees the poor as the “rabble,” who are lacking in rights and duties and are a threat to civilized society, but Marx them as the working class, the proletariat, and the true spirit of the society. For Marx the proletariat is the means by which class solidarity will be achieved and the world-historical mission of overthrowing capitalism and revolutionizing civil society will be undertaken.

Allen Wood, in his essay “Hegel and Marxism,” (Chapter 13; The Cambridge Companion to Hegel, Edited by Frederick C. Beiser) offers a comparison between Hegel’s rabble and Marx’s proletariat:
Like Marx, Hegel thinks the condition of poverty gives rise to a distinctive disposition or mind-set on the part of the poor, which is hostile to the ethical principles of civil society. But whereas Marx sees the mission of the impoverished class as positive and its (at least incipient) mentality as creative and progressive, Hegel sees this mentality, despite the fundamental rationality embodied in it, as entirely corruptive and destructive, harboring no potentiality of abolishing or redeeming the evils that have produced it.  
Poverty, Hegel says, turns the poor into a "rabble" [Pobel). The mark of the rabble is not poverty itself, but "a disposition coupled with poverty, an inner indignation against the rich, against society, the government, etc." (Philosophy of Right) The poor turn into a rabble not through want alone, but through a certain corrupted attitude of mind that want tends inevitably to bring with it under the ethical conditions of modern civil society. The separation of the poor class from civil society's cultural benefits leads to a deeper separation, a separation of "mind" or "emotion" [Gemiit): "The poor man feels himself excluded and mocked by everyone, and this necessarily gives rise to an inner indignation. He is conscious of himself as an infinite, free being, and thus arises the demand that his external existence should correspond to his consciousness" (Lectures on the Philosophy of Right).  
Poverty is a wrong, an injustice; but the poor do not suffer merely some contingent denial of a right, which might leave intact their dignity and their will to defend their rights generally. Instead, poverty destroys the sense of self that for Hegel is the necessary vehicle of ethical attitudes in modern society. 
Hegel denounces the rabble mentality, but he accepts that the rabble have valid reasons to believe that they are not being fairly treated by the civil society. In his Philosophy of Right, Hegel talks about the “right of necessity,” which entails that when the rights of others threaten my well-being as a whole, then my violation of their right ceases to be a wrong. In normal cases, the right of necessity becomes valid only in circumstances of extreme danger or distress. But Hegel also confers this right on the rabble class. Allen Wood states in his essay:
Hegel argues that when you are poor, the right of necessity comes to apply generally to you, because your whole life is carried on beneath the minimum level recognized as necessary for a member of civil society. Thus the right of necessity becomes universal for you; against you, no one has rights any longer: "Earlier we considered the right of necessity as referring to a momentary need. [In the case of poverty, however], necessity no longer has this momentary character." Poverty thus gives rise to "the non-recognition of right.” The poor thus fall outside the ethical life of civil society; their way of life is beyond its standards of right and wrong.

Monday, July 2, 2018

On Hegel’s Historicism

Portrait of Hegel
G.W.F. Hegel’s philosophical thought is imbued with deep historicism—he believed that the central objective of philosophy is to find an explanation for its own purpose, principles and problems in a historical context, and to discover the meaning and direction of history. Frederick C. Beiser, in his essay, “Hegel’s Historicism,” (Chapter 9; The Cambridge Companion to Hegel, Edited by Frederick C. Beiser) says that Hegel’s historicist thought has engineered a revolution in history of philosophy. Here’s an excerpt:
Hegel's historicism amounted to nothing less than a revolution in the history of philosophy. It implied that philosophy is possible only if it is historical, only if the philosopher is aware of the origins, context, and development of his doctrines. Hegel thus threw into question the revolution with which Descartes began modern philosophy. It is not possible to create a presuppositionless system of philosophy a la Descartes, Hegel believes, by abstracting from the past and by simply relying upon one's individual reason. For if Descartes were a completely self-sufficient, self-enclosed mind, transcending the realm of history, he would not have been able to produce his philosophy. The aims of his system, and the ideas he defended in it, were typical products of the culture of seventeenth-century France. So if philosophy is to be truly presuppositionless, Hegel maintains, then it must not abstract from, but incorporate history within itself.
But Hegel’s historicist revolution does not represent a radical break with the past. Beiser points out that several philosophers have posited about history’s critical role in facilitating a better understanding of human institutions and actives. Therefore the historicist doctrine must be seen as in itself being a product of history.
In his Spirit of the Laws (1749) Montesquieu saw the constitution of a nation as the product of its history, as the result of its changing economic, geographic, and climactic circumstances, and the evolving traditions, religion, and character of its people. In his Inquiry concerning the Principles of Political Economy (1767), James Steuart developed an evolutionary theory of the development of society, explaining how mankind grew from primitive simplicity to complicated refinement through the pressure of economic factors. In his Ideas for a Philosophy of History of Humanity (1784-88), Herder explained how such human activities as philosophy, religion, and literature are the product of the history of a people, the characteristic form of their national culture. And in his System of Transcendental Idealism (1799), Schelling explained how the intellectual intuition of the "I am," the first principle of philosophy, was the product of the ego's history.
According to Beiser, The distinctive thing about Hegel’s work is that he made historicism a self-conscious and general method of philosophy, one that can be used to reveal and neutralize the inherent pretenses and illusions of philosophy. “This self-reflective, self-critical element is not found in the historicism of Hegel's predecessors or contemporaries. Hegel made historicism the self-critical method of philosophy because he believed that philosophy stood in the same need of historical explanation as politics, religion, or literature.”

Hegel’s historical criticism was made necessary because history of philosophy has been mired in, what Beiser calls, “a deep-seated and widespread illusion of a-historicity.”
There have been many forms of such a-historicity, and all of them became in one form or another the subject of Hegelian criticism, (a) The belief that certain laws, beliefs, or values are universal, eternal, or natural when they are in fact the product of, and only appropriate to, a specific culture, (b) The doctrine that certain ideas or principles are innate, the inherent elements of a pure a priori reason, although they are learned from experience, the product of a cultural tradition, (c) The claim that certain institutions and forms of activity have a supernatural origin (for example language, religion, and the state) when they in fact originate from all-too-human sources, (d) The reification of certain activities and values, as if they were entities existing independent of human consciousness, when they are in fact the product of its subconscious activity, (e) The belief that certain intuitions and feelings are the product of innate genius, although they are the result of education, (f) The attempt to create a presuppositionless philosophy by abstracting from all past philosophy and by relying upon individual reason alone.
In his Lectures on the Philosophy of World History, Hegel says: "The question at issue is therefore the ultimate end of mankind, the end which the spirit sets itself in the world." The ultimate end of history, according to him, is freedom. But this does not mean that man is born free or that he exists in some kind of state of nature as a free being—it only signifies that the purpose or end of man is to realize his freedom. There are both conservative and progressive implications of Hegel’s historicism. 

Saturday, June 30, 2018

Schopenhauer On Kant and Scholasticism

Schopenhauer’s Bust in Frankfurt
Arthur Schopenhauer makes seven references to scholasticism in his essay, “Criticisms of The Kantian Philosophy” (Chapter: Appendix; The World as Will and Representation, Volume 1). He suggests that scholasticism lasted for 1400 years before Immanuel Kant. But this means that scholasticism predates Thomas Aquinas, and that the scholastic system got manifested towards the end of the Roman Empire when there was a significant rise in the power and influence of Christianity.

Here’s an excerpt from Schopenhauer’s essay, “Criticisms of The Kantian Philosophy”:
That Kant's great achievements were bound to be accompanied by great errors is easy to understand on merely historical grounds. For although he effected the greatest revolution in philosophy, and did away with scholasticism, which in the above-mentioned wider sense had lasted for fourteen hundred years, in order really to begin an entirely new third world-epoch in philosophy, the immediate result of his appearance was, however, in practice only negative, not positive.
Schopenhauer points out that Kant was unable to break away from scholasticism in every region of his philosophy. As an example of the bad segments in Kantian philosophy which are reminiscent of a scholastic mindset, Schopenhauer mentions the chapter on the Transcendental Ideal in Kant’s The Critique of Pure Reason.  “There now follows the chapter on the Transcendental Ideal, which at once takes us back to the rigid scholasticism of the Middle Ages.” The use of the word "rigid" is significant in this sentence because it signifies that Schopenhauer believed that scholasticism which existed since the end of the Roman Empire became more rigid during the Middle Ages. 

Friday, June 29, 2018

Locke’s Philosophy of Revelations and Miracles

Portrait of John Locke 
John Locke, in his An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Book 4), says that tedious labor is required to test the genuineness of a revelation. He attacks the enthusiasts who claim to have experienced divine revelations, referring to them as “men in whom melancholy has mixed with devotion, or whose conceit of themselves has raised them into an opinion of a greater familiarity with God, and a nearer admittance to his favour than is afforded to others, have often flattered themselves with a persuasion of an immediate intercourse with the Deity, and frequent communications from the Divine Spirit.” (Essay; Book 4; Chapter 19: “Of Enthusiasm”; 5)

The enthusiasts are clearly violating Locke’s principles of religious beliefs which he has described in the earlier sections of his book. He notes that “all their confidence is mere presumption: and this light they are so dazzled with is nothing but an ignis fatuus, that leads them constantly round in this circle; It is a revelation, because they firmly believe it; and they believe it, because it is a revelation.” (Essay; Book 4; Chapter 19: “Of Enthusiasm”; 10)

He says when we give a hearing to an enthusiast who is claiming that God has spoken to him, we must not forgo of our reason—we must only believe what is in accord with reason:
Revelation must be judged of by reason. He, therefore, that will not give himself up to all the extravagances of delusion and error must bring this guide of his light within to the trial. God when he makes the Prophet does not unmake the Man. He leaves all his Faculties in their natural State, to enable him to judge of his Inspirations, whether they be of divine Original or no. When he illuminates the Mind with supernatural Light, he does not extinguish that which is natural. If he would have us assent to the Truth of any Proposition, he either evidences that Truth by the usual Methods of natural Reason, or else makes it known to be a Truth, which he would have us assent to, by his Authority, and convinces us that it is from him, by some Marks which Reason cannot be mistaken in. Reason must be our last Judge and Guide in every Thing. I do not mean, that we must consult Reason, and examine whether a Proposition revealed from God can be made out by natural Principles, and if it cannot, that then we may reject it: But consult it we must, and by it examine, whether it be a Revelation from God or no: And if Reason finds it to be revealed from GOD, Reason then declares for it, as much as for any other Truth, and makes it one of her Dictates. Every Conceit that throughly warms our Fancies must pass for an Inspiration, if there be nothing but the Strength of our Perswasions, whereby to judge of our Perswasions: If Reason must not examine their Truth by something extrinsical to the Perswasions them selves; Inspirations and Delusions, Truth and Falshood will have the same Measure, and will not be possible to be distinguished. (Essay; Book 4; Chapter 19: “Of Enthusiasm”; 14)
However, Locke is willing to accept the occurrence of a revelation if there is an evidence that a miracle has taken place:
We see the holy Men of old, who had Revelations from GOD, had something else besides that internal Light of assurance in their own Minds, to testify to them, that it was from GOD. They were not left to their own Perswasions alone, that those perswasions were from GOD; But had outward Signs to convince them of the Author of those Revelations. And when they were to convince others, they had a Power given them to justify the Truth of their Commission from Heaven; and by visible Signs to assert the divine Authority of the Message they were sent with. (Essay; Book 4; Chapter 19: “Of Enthusiasm”; 15) 
Locke proceeds to offer examples of Biblical miracles that he believes have happened and must be accepted by all as truth. The idea that miracles can be taken as proof of divine revelation is problematic, but Locke has not addressed this problem.

Thursday, June 28, 2018

Schopenhauer’s Criticisms of The Kantian Philosophy

Arthur Schopenhauer, in his essay, “Criticisms of The Kantian Philosophy” (Chapter: Appendix; The World as Will and Representation, Volume 1), makes it clear that he is indebted to Kantian philosophy. He holds Kant’s The Critique of Pure Reason as the work of a great genius, and says that Kant is so far ahead that it will take time for rest of mankind to understand the importance of his work. “Thus the whole strength and importance of Kant's teaching will become evident only in the course of time, when the spirit of the age, itself gradually reformed and altered in the most important and essential respect by the influence of that teaching, furnishes living evidence of the power of that giant mind.”

However, Schopenhauer’s essay is highly polemical and is devoted to identifying the mistakes that Kant has made in his philosophy. He believes that he will make Kantian philosophy shine brightly and endure more positively by identifying and neutralizing the myriad errors that Kant himself brought into it. Schopenhauer accepts that despite the great innovation in ideas that Kant has brought to philosophy, his impact has been mostly negative. “For although he effected the greatest revolution in philosophy, and did away with scholasticism, which in the above-mentioned wider sense had lasted for fourteen hundred years, in order really to begin an entirely new third world-epoch in philosophy, the immediate result of his appearance was, however, in practice only negative, not positive.”

I will talk about Schopenhauer's detailed criticism of the important aspects of Kantian philosophy in my next blogs—in this one I will focus on his criticism of Kant’s writing style. Here's an excerpt:
Kant's exposition is often indistinct, indefinite, inadequate, and occasionally obscure. This obscurity is certainly to be excused in part by the difficulty of the subject and the depth of the ideas. Yet whoever is himself clear to the bottom, and knows quite distinctly what he thinks and wants, will never write indistinctly, never set up wavering and indefinite concepts, or pick up from foreign languages extremely difficult and complicated expressions to denote such concepts, in order to continue using such expressions afterwards, as Kant took words and formulas from earlier, even scholastic, philosophy. These he combined with one another for his own purpose, as for example, "transcendental synthetic unity of apperception," and in general "unity of synthesis," which he always uses where "union" or "combination" would be quite sufficient by itself. Moreover, such a man will not always be explaining anew what has already been explained once, as Kant does, for example, with the understanding, the categories, experience, and other main concepts. Generally, such a man will not incessantly repeat himself, and yet, in every new presentation of an idea that has already occurred a hundred times, leave it again in precisely the same obscure passages. On the contrary, he will express his meaning once distinctly, thoroughly, and exhaustively, and leave it at that. 
Schopenhauer laments that by his complicated style of writing, Kant legitimized the use of obscure language in philosophy and thereby enabled the madness of Hegel:
The public had been forced to see that what is obscure is not always without meaning; what was senseless and without meaning at once took refuge in obscure exposition and language. Fichte was the first to grasp and make vigorous use of this privilege; Schelling at least equalled him in this, and a host of hungry scribblers without intellect or honesty soon surpassed them both. But the greatest effrontery in serving up sheer nonsense, in scrabbling together senseless and maddening webs of words, such as had previously been heard only in madhouses, finally appeared in Hegel. It became the instrument of the most ponderous and general mystification that has ever existed, with a result that will seem incredible to posterity, and be a lasting monument of German stupidity.

Tuesday, June 26, 2018

Kant, Jacobi, and Wizenmann in Battle

Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi; Immanuel Kant
It was difficult for Immanuel Kant to stay out of the Pantheism controversy as both sides of the dispute wanted to have him as an ally. Those on the side of the “party of faith,” Johann Georg Hamann, Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, and Thomas Wizenmann were eager to gain Kant’s support. On the other side were Moses Mendelssohn and his supporters, trying their best to cajole Kant to fight for their cause.

With the intention of compelling Kant to join him, Jacobi declared in early 1785 that Kant was a “philosopher of faith.” Hamann tried to encourage Kant to launch an attack on Mendelssohn’s Spinozism. But after Mendelssohn’s death in January 1786, Kant came under pressure from Mendelssohn’s allies to speak out against Jacobi and avenge Mendelssohn’s death.

In May 1786, Wizenmann published a tract in which he posited that all philosophy ends in Spinozism, and therefore atheism and fatalism cannot be avoided.

In his essay “Kant, Jacobi, and Wizenmann in Battle,” (Chapter 4; The Fate of Reason: German Philosophy from Kant to Fichte), Frederick C. Beiser has this to say about Wizenmann’s use of Kantian premises to make a case for religion:
Where Jacobi is vague and merely suggestive, Wizenmann is clear and bluntly argumentative. His argument is especially interesting since it begins with Kantian premises and then draws fideistic conclusions from them. In the hands of the pietists an essentially Kantian-style epistemology becomes a powerful weapon in humbling the claims of reason and uplifting those of faith. 
The main premise of Wizenmann's argument is his definition of reason, which he explicitly states at the very beginning. According to this definition, which is truly Kantian in spirit, the task of reason is to relate facts, that is, to compare and contrast them, or to infer them from one another. But it cannot create or reveal facts, which must be given to it. Appealing to Kant's criticism of the ontological argument, Wizenmann advances the general thesis that it is not possible for reason to demonstrate the existence of anything. If we are to know that something exists, then it has to be given to us in experience. Of course, it is possible to infer the existence of something, but only when the existence of something else is already known. All inferences are only hypothetical in form, Wizenmann explains, such that we can infer the existence of one thing only if another is already given. Hence Wizenmann concludes in the manner of Kant that there is a twofold source of knowledge: experience, which gives us knowledge of matters of fact; and reason, which relates these facts through inference. 
On the basis of this Kantian definition and distinction, Wizenmann builds his case for positive religion. 
Wizenmann’s tract served the purpose of making Kant aware that Jacobi and Mendelssohn were heading in the direction of irrationalism and he had to intervene. But there were several other pressures that finally goaded Kant into action—with Jacobi and Mendelssohn trying to appropriate him for their own cause, Kant ran the risk of being seen as either a philosopher of faith or a philosopher dogmatic fanatical atheism. He disagreed with both the stances.

Finally in October 1786, Kant published his first contribution to the Pantheism controversy, an essay called “What Does it Mean to Orient Oneself in Thinking?”  Here’s Beiser’s perspective on the stand that Kant took on the Pantheism controversy in his essay:
In this essay Kant takes a middle position between Jacobi and Mendelssohn. He accepts some of their principles but refuses to draw such drastic conclusions from them. On the one hand, he agrees with Jacobi that knowledge cannot justify faith; but he disagrees with his conclusion that reason cannot justify it. On the other hand, he concurs with Mendelssohn that it is necessary to justify faith through reason; but he does not accept the conclusion that to justify faith through reason demands knowledge.  
What allows Kant to steer a middle path between Jacobi and Mendelssohn is his denial of one of their common premises: that reason is a faculty of knowledge, a theoretical faculty whose purpose is to know things-in- themselves or the unconditioned. Resting his case upon the central thesis of the second Kritik, which would appear only fourteen months later in January 1788, Kant assumes that reason is a practical faculty: it does not describe the unconditioned, but prescribes it as an end of conduct. Reason prescribes the unconditioned in either of two senses: when it commands us to seek the final condition for a series of conditions in nature; or when it commands us categorically to perform certain actions, regardless of our interests and circumstances. In both these cases the unconditioned is not an entity that we know, but an ideal for our conduct, whether that be scientific inquiry or moral action. By thus separating reason from knowledge, Kant creates the opportunity for a rational justification of faith independent of metaphysics. 
At the very heart of Kant's essay is his concept of 'rational faith' (Vernunftglaube). This he defines as faith based solely on reason. 
The concept of “rational faith,” allows Kant to walk the middle path between Mendelssohn’s dogmatism and Jacobi’s mysticism. He also makes the point that both Mendelssohn and Jacobi are guilty of undermining reason, which he says must always remain the final criterion of truth in philosophy. He accuses Jacobi and Wizenmann of irrationalism, and concludes that only critical philosophy can uphold reason.

In February 1787, only four months after the publication of Kant’s essay, Wizenmann wrote an an open letter to Kant—in it he rebutted Kant’s charges and pointed out the deficiencies in the Kantian concept of practical faith. Jacobi too realized that Kant would never join his cause, and he wrote a very influential criticism of Kantian philosophy.

On Jacobi’s attack on Kant, Beiser says:
Jacobi sees Kant's philosophy, especially as it is consistently and systematically developed by Fichte, as the paradigm of all philosophy—and hence as the very epitome of nihilism. Jacobi's attack on philosophy has now become first and foremost an attack on Kant, and in particular on Fichte, whom Jacobi sees as nothing more than a radical Kantian.